Gov. Andrew Cuomo cruised to re-election on Tuesday, clinching a third term over Republican opponent Marc Molinaro.

For Cuomo, it is a victory that ties him with his father’s three electoral statewide victories as governor, the culmination of a second term that includes a range of policy triumphs and fraught by corruption convictions of a close former aide.

For Republicans, it is yet another defeat for the top office statewide in New York that they have not held since George Pataki’s three terms in office.

The second term, set to officially conclude by the end of the year, began with the expectation he would begin emphasizing issues friendly to the liberal base and concludes with an increasingly bellicose tone toward President Donald Trump’s rhetoric and policies.

And it ends with Cuomo cementing himself as one of the most consequential governors in New York history, placing his stamp on nearly every facet of state government from the state’s judiciary to how it seeks to attract jobs and a pace-setting push on LGBT rights, the minimum wage and paid-family leave.

His victory is not a surprise, either.

Democrats increasingly dominate the state’s enrollment and the governor’s campaign spent heavily during both his primary against the actress and education advocate Cynthia Nixon as after. Molinaro, who struggled to raise outside of the six-figure cash on hand totals, never mounted a series threat on the airwaves or in social media.

Cuomo also sought to boost the vote by tying Republicans in elected office explicitly to Trump, who remains unpopular in New York with independents and the base of the Democratic Party.

Cuomo’s style also came into focus during this election, a personality that seemingly revels in political combat that in New York can be intensely personal. Just ask New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio.

To his supporters, he’s a get-it-done executive who has notched results. To his detractors — which include both conservatives and liberals — he’s a thin-skinned bully who does not countenance dissent as he amasses more and more power.

Cuomo’s first term was marked by a series of high-profile victories: A limit on local property tax increase, a sweeping package of gun control laws that cost him support among upstate voters, and a same-sex marriage measure that ultimately became a key inspiration for the nationwide legalization by the U.S. Supreme Court.

But the second term was a complicated and at times troubled four years for the governor.

Just hours after he was sworn in, Cuomo’s father, the former three-term governor Mario Cuomo, died.

The younger Cuomo eulogized his father, decrying the “dime store psychiatrists” who sought to define and dissect their relationship. But Mario Cuomo’s legacy as a liberal lion continues to be a potent touchstone for the son.

Cuomo frequently references his father in speeches. He named the successful push for increasing the state’s minimum wage to $15 after his dad.

The Legislature agreed to name the replacement for the Tappan Zee Bridge, perhaps one of the most tangible symbol of Andrew Cuomo’s ability to get something done, after Mario.

Meanwhile, Cuomo in term two dealt with another family crisis: His father’s “third son” was arrested and charged with bribery, securing a low-show job for his wife with a company that was seeking to build a power plant in the Hudson Valley.

Percoco was a longtime confidant to the governor, acting as a super-advance man and all-purpose fixer.

In a parallel case, the man Cuomo had positioned to carry out a massive upstate economic development push, Alain Kaloyeros, was charged with bid rigging, along with prominent developers who had donated to the governor’s campaign.

Cuomo himself was never accused of wrongdoing. But Percoco and Kaloyeros would both be found guilty.

Adding to the perception of Capitol sleaziness, the top legislative leaders in the Assembly and Senate — a Democrat and Republican who had worked well with Cuomo and shared a transactional view of politicking and budgeting — were both convicted in separating corruption case.

Cuomo had launched his bid for governor in 2010 on the steps of the Tweed Courthouse in Manhattan pledging to root out corruption. But Albany remained a morass of self-dealing and a target-rich environment for federal prosecutors even as a host of ethics reform measured were approved.

Even without charges, the smoke of the corruption fires would have caused some politicians to drop in polling or face a more competitive re-election. But Cuomo barreled ahead on both the Buffalo Billion which had come under scrutiny as well as his own campaign, once again amassing an unmatchable campaign war chest.

This year, Cuomo faced the asymmetrical primary against Nixon, an avatar of a years-long effort to boost school spending by groups that had long been critical of Cuomo’s fiscal policies.

The Nixon challenge was unlike anything Cuomo faced before. Sure, he was challenged by Zephyr Teachout in a 2014 gubernatorial primary.

But in the age of Trump, the left was inflamed at both Republicans and Democrats deemed insufficiently progressive. Rep. Joe Crowley’s loss against Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in a June congressional primary was seen as a potential canary in the coal mine.

On paper, Cuomo could have been in trouble: Straphangers were enraged by the deterioration of the subway on his watch and Nixon had celebrity name recognition.

But Cuomo marshaled every lever and push every button he could in the primary, swamping Nixon in TV and digital ads while positioning himself as a Democratic foil to Trump.

He bolstered his ties to organized labor, neutralizing past foes like the state teachers union, bolstering support from groups like 1199 and winning new friends with his endorsements from the public workers unions.

And his vice grip on Democrats in western New York held firm.

It worked.

Turnout in the primary was sky high and Nixon received the same percentage of the vote as Teachout did in 2014. The Anyone But Cuomo vote on the left was shown to have a ceiling over two elections cycles, stalled at 34 percent of the vote.

Cuomo now enters a third term with a new level of uncertainty.

He spent much of the campaign running against Trump and it’s not clear what the priorities for the 2019 legislative session will be.

He’s been supportive of potentially legalizing marijuana for commercial uses. He wants to move forward with bail reforms and other criminal justice measures. And he wants to codify aspects of the Affordable Care Act in state law, bolstering Obamacare as Republicans in Washington have sought to dismantle it.

Cuomo is entering a third term with an unquestioned level of power never seen before since the days of Nelson Rockefeller for an office that is powerful even in the hands of a bumbler. For a politician who sees the angles and chess board, moving the pieces with sharp elbows, it’s tough to find a way to beat him. Challenged from the right, he’s won. Challenged from the left, he’s won.

Molinaro in the closing days of the campaign compared himself to George Pataki, a little-known Hudson Valley Republican who unseated Mario Cuomo.

But Pataki in 1994 had the support of a Republican political structure that does not exist anymore. Indeed, it’s hard to imagine Andrew Cuomo allowing any parallel power structure flourish in New York while he is governor without attempting to co-opt or suffocate it.

Cuomo has knit together a coalition of labor households, New York City Democrats and suburban property taxpayers — a coalition that is a formidable nut to crack for any statewide opponent.

It’s difficult to think of anyone on the horizon who could beat him. And, for the moment, there’s no reason to doubt why he won’t seek a fourth term in 2022.

Does he run for president? Maybe. Maybe not. But outside of New York’s borders is a different set of rules and a much different set of opponents.