Over the last month, the large Democratic majorities in the state Senate and Assembly in New York have been able to notch a variety of long-sought goals for progressives.

Like a knot being forced out of a garden hose, the gusher of legislation — abortion rights, gun control, voting reform to name just a few — have been approved after stalling during Republican control of the state Senate.

Now some Democrats are looking even further: They want to raise the minimum wage that prison inmates earn from less than $1 in some cases to $3, Attorney General Letitia James wants to bolster protections for immigrants by penalizing employers who threaten to reveal their legal status.

The Reproductive Health Act sparked a national backlash over abortion, finding its way into President Donald Trump’s State of the Union and being used as a galvanizing event for abortion opponents ahead of the 2020 election.

Gov. Andrew Cuomo in a New York Times op/ed has pledged, once again, New York will be a bulwark against efforts to change abortion laws nationally.

In the wider scope, it’s another example of how the nation has re-organized itself into a collection of virtually all-blue and all-red states with single party control of its governorship and Legislature — leading to vast dichotomies and differences in how they seek to govern themselves.

Abortion policy is just one example: Red states and blue states are taking vastly different approaches on climate change and the environment, gun control and health care. Polarization at the state level is nothing new, but it’s emanating from state capitals — the laboratories of democracy — portending greater clashes in the future.

New York is not unique in this category. As Governing Magazine noticed last month, every state’s Legislature, save for Minnesota and the non-partisan house in Nebraska, is now under single party rule.

New York may soon begin to look more like California or Massachusetts as these bills and law cross pollinate. The same goes for Republican-dominated states.

But within New York, of course, the political differences remain, even as Republican enrollment declines and the party fights over its leadership. At the Metropolitan Republican Club, once a venerable hangout for Rockefeller Republicans and the epicenter of a fight between counterprotesters and the white supremacist group Proud Boys last year, the organization is now led by a president who has advised a far-right group in Germany.

A look at the map of New York in the last two elections shows how the state is aligned with the national political scene: Republican Marc Molinaro won upstate, largely rural counties; Cuomo won urban and suburban strongholds.

President Donald Trump is deeply unpopular in his home state, but his showing in 2016 found him winning upstate counties as well (along with Suffolk and Staten Island).

“I love those people,” Trump said Wednesday speaking of upstaters. “Those people are my voters. They’ve been treated very badly.”

“If New York isn’t gonna treat them better, I would recommend they go to another state where they can get a great job.”

That may resonate with some conservatives who wonder why the Republican Party hasn’t fully embraced their president, is out of power in Albany and hasn’t won an election since 2002. They bristle at the latest package of gun control measures, the high taxes, a state government dominated by elected officials who either represent New York City or a nearby community.

Cuomo on Thursday brushed off Trump’s comment.

“Trump talking about Upstate New York is like me talking about Antarctica: I have never been there and I know nothing about it,” he said at a speech in New York City.

Trump did, however, campaign across upstate New York ahead of the 2016 election and easily won the state’s Republican primary.

For Cuomo, the third term has been a question of where the center is and whether it will hold. He won a primary, handily, from his left flank in the form of Cynthia Nixon last year.

Now he’s facing a push from Democrats in the Legislature opposed to a deal to bring up to 40,000 Amazon jobs to Long Island City in exchange for $3 billion in tax breaks. The fight with Democratic lawmakers could snowball next month as the budget is negotiated and tax revenue becomes more slack.

New York is set apart nationally, but it’s on the same playing field as other large blue states. The country has re-organized itself over the last generation. We’re living the result of it right now.