Gov. Andrew Cuomo, broadly speaking, faced two options on the rent control negotiations.

Option A: Negotiate with state lawmakers on a rent deal that affordable housing advocates could have found fault with once it was announced.

Option B: Stand back and see what the Legislature develops.

The second choice ultimately won out and it was a doozey for the real estate industry, amounting to a rollback of housing policy in New York for the last 25 years. The consequential rent control bill, expanding regulations statewide and with a local government opt-in, an end to vacancy decontrol and elements of what was called “good cause” eviction, was the product of a two-way negotiation.

Cuomo had said the broad aspects of the final deal are ones that he wanted and could support. And he will sign it.

The governor, however, seemed peevish when asked about the agreement on Wednesday by reporters. Gone were the usual adjectives like “historic” to describe sweeping deals. This, Cuomo said, was the best possible deal available — hardly effusive praise.

The tipping point in the debate was likely last week for Cuomo, when Senate Democrats had announced the “support” for the bill backed by the Assembly, but not the votes. Lost in the shuffle was Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie and Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins insisting they wanted to work with the governor for a three-way deal.

But that changed as Cuomo publicly doubted whether the votes were available and overarching all of this was his desire to not be blamed for a watered-down deal

Cuomo’s top aide, Melissa DeRosa, put it this way:

“Our point was, ‘No you don’t, or pass them and end the kabuki theatre.’ So over the course of the last week, what you saw was us saying, ‘Come to us with what you can really pass and the most you can pass, we will sign.’ But we don’t want to engage in the kabuki of the ‘we swear we have the votes, we’re going to say what the advocates want to hear, but we can’t really deliver.’ By pressuring them to say, ‘Tell us what you can really sign and we will sign it,’ that’s what ultimately happened and that’s what resulted in the bills that came out last night.”

What does this mean for future issues? Well, it’s unclear. Heastie and Stewart-Cousins were able to forge an agreement on what is a key issue for Democrats, especially those from New York City, had hoped to accomplish this year — an overriding issue that was closely watched by advocates.

The two outstanding top-tier measures, marijuana legalization and driver’s licenses for undocumented immigrants are starkly different issues than, say, affordable housing policy.

The governor intrinsically has more power in the budget process than he does with standalone legislation and Cuomo has been shown to use his leverage effectively in either setting. His leverage hasn’t been wholly apparent this spring — yet. After all, there’s still capital projects spending to determine.